The response to the Electoral Boundaries Review Committee’s report on new constituencies for GE2025 has been unsurprising, with opposition parties raising concerns about how the changes could affect their performance.
Regardless of the outcome, their approval was unlikely.
The adjustments were necessary due to population shifts—both in overall growth and the changing composition of different areas—as new neighborhoods expand, adding more than 100,000 voters since 2020.
However, the changes are a mixed bag for everybody, including the ruling party.
We’ve already heard disappointment from the SDP, as Chee Soon Juan’s Bukit Batok SMC was absorbed into the new Jurong East-Bukit Batok GRC. The Workers’ Party hasn’t specified its concerns, but it’s likely focused on the East Coast areas, stretching from Marine Parade to Changi.
Now, let’s look at where the PAP might face greater challenges this year.
West Coast GRC vulnerable with Iswaran’s exit and Tharman’s absence
West Coast GRC was already one of the ruling party’s most vulnerable constituencies, delivering its narrowest win in 2020 with just 51.6% of the vote against Progress Singapore Party’s 48.3%. This would have been the case even without S. Iswaran’s corruption conviction and jail sentence.
It’s also where 84-year-old former PAP MP Tan Cheng Bock is expected to return to lead the PSP team. The boundary changes don’t seem to pose a threat to PSP’s ambitions—if anything, they might work in its favour.
For this year’s elections, Sentosa and the wealthier Harbourfront neighborhoods have been shifted to Radin Mas SMC, while West Coast GRC has absorbed parts of the former Jurong GRC.
Given PSP’s focus on appealing to everyday Singaporeans, this trade-off—exchanging affluent districts for more HDB-heavy areas—doesn’t seem to hurt them.
While Jurong was a PAP stronghold under Tharman Shanmugaratnam, his move to the presidency leaves the ruling party with two challenges in the West: filling the void left by Tharman, and managing the fallout from the Iswaran scandal.
All of this could open the door for a stronger opposition challenge in more than one constituency.
East Coast GRC: A renewed battleground for WP and PAP
Meanwhile, The Workers’ Party’s concerns seem to center on the eastern constituencies where it has been most active over the past two years.
However, the recent boundary shifts are unlikely to disrupt its plans, as the affected areas remain within constituencies that WP already intends to contest.
Marine Parade has moved slightly westward, becoming Marine Parade-Braddell Heights GRC, while its former districts have been absorbed into the newly redrawn East Coast GRC.
Since WP has been engaging voters in both areas, these changes shouldn’t significantly impact its strategy—especially given the challenges facing the ruling party.
Like in the West, the PAP is struggling with key departures. In Marine Parade, it must find a replacement for former Speaker Tan Chuan-Jin, who stepped down following an extramarital affair. Meanwhile, East Coast GRC narrowly avoided a WP victory in 2020, even with Heng Swee Keat leading the PAP team.
Though Nicole Seah, who led WP’s challenge there last time, has also left the party over personal matters, WP has been strengthening its lineup with new figures like senior counsel Harpreet Singh.
Additionally, with Joo Chiat now part of East Coast GRC, about a quarter of voters will come from this more affluent area—one where WP nearly won in 2011.
Researchers from the Institute of Policy Studies (IPS) suggest that upper-middle-class and well-educated voters here are more inclined toward political pluralism and checks on the PAP-led government.
As IPS senior research fellow Gillian Koh told The Straits Times:
“Those broader political and governance principles will matter far more (in East Coast GRC) than anywhere else, where the day-to-day pocketbook and economic issues will weigh more heavily.“
An SMU professor, Eugene Tan, even suggested that perhaps Pritam Singh himself could venture out of Aljunied to challenge the PAP in one of these constituencies, helping the Workers’ Party to flip them, under the assumption that Aljunied is a safe bet for WP, even without its biggest names.
Northeast Punggol: A new battleground for WP?
In the northern constituencies, we see some notable changes. While Sengkang GRC remains unchanged, it now has a closely aligned neighbor in the newly created Punggol GRC. Given their similar borders, size, and demographics, Punggol could be an attractive target for the Workers’ Party.
Both areas are relatively young residential estates, and if WP has successfully built strong support in Sengkang, it wouldn’t be surprising if nearby Punggol follows suit.
The PAP, likely led by SM Teo Chee Hean—who currently represents the broader Pasir Ris-Punggol GRC—still has a strong team in place. However, Punggol has never faced a serious challenge from a major opposition party.
If WP can expand its reach—potentially by deploying its senior members from Aljunied to other key battlegrounds—it might just turn Punggol into another Sengkang.
New boundaries, new opportunities for the opposition
In these three key areas alone, at least 18 seats could see serious opposition challenges. Adding that to the 10 seats the Workers’ Party won in 2020 brings the total to 28—or possibly more.
This puts the opposition within striking distance of the goal Pritam Singh has emphasised in recent years: securing at least a third of all parliamentary seats to be able to block constitutional changes by the PAP.
With Parliament expanding to 97 MPs, the magic number is 33—just five more than the seats where the opposition is already in a strong position to compete on equal footing.
While this shift may not happen immediately, the new electoral boundaries don’t weaken the opposition’s chances. In fact, in these areas, they might even help.
- Read other articles we’ve written on GE 2025 here.
- Read other articles we’ve written on Singapore’s current affairs here.
Featured Image Credit: The Workers’ Party via Facebook, edited by Vulcan Post
